If we arc to understand the deelopmcnt of Hikkad. ue's career from the time of his higher ordination until his arrial at Pelmadulla, and. indeed, the manner in which he continued from strength to strength after the Pelmadulla project, we must look at his participation in intramonastic debate as well as Buddhist- Christian controersy. We must also attend to some of the friends he made along the way. The period during which young Hikka-due was educated and ordained was an extremely olatile time in the monastic world Fierce dchate diided monks and their lay supporters: Who held the authority for higher ordination? What was the correct calendar for monastic ritual ohserance?

The ritual cnclosurcs at the Malatu and Asgiri ihd ray as (monasteries) in Kandy were established as the sites for higher ordination when the Siyam Nikaya began in the eighteenth century and, for sccral generations, monks seeking higher ordination traded to Kandy in order to achicc it. Ho wee r, some monks and lay patrons in the southern maritime regions were critical of Kandy's monopoly on higher ordination Tensions in this regard surfaced within the first generation of Siyam Nikaya monks and rccurrcd throughout the late eighteenth and the fi rst half of the nineteenth century.19 Criticism was sometimes lcelcd on castc grounds. Non-Goyigama men were not ordained within the Kandyan ritual enclosures, and cen Goyigama place the young man with Valanc Siddhartha, arguably the leading monastic educator of his day (at least in the southern region).p In VaLine's company, Hikkaduc was drawn into the ortcx of mid-nineteenth-century Buddhist politics and into the priilcgcs and pleasures of sophisticated education in Pali, Sanskrit, and Sinhala. After sccral years at Valine's school, Para ma D ham ma Cctiya, in Ratmalana, and some further studies for his higher ordination {ujxisanijxidd} at his home temple, Tilakaramaya, Hikkaduc receied higher ordination in Kandy within the monastic ritual enclosure (simo) of the Malatu Viharaya at the Kandyan ccntcr of the Siyam Nikaya, Hikkaduc's fraternity. Word about the young monk's highly successful ordination performance, which demonstrated his intellect, quickly spread. Hikkaduc was well placed for further adanccmcnt. ' men might he treated poorly by the highest, iadala, elite among the up-country Goyigama monks (Roberts 1982,134-35). Caste was, ho wee r, not the only trigger for discontent. The Siyam Nikaya was, from its inception, a multircgional order that attempted to encompass (and support) monks and lay patrons from outside the Kandyan highlands within administratie and ritual structures that faorcd Kandyan elites. The Siyam Nikaya was, from the pcrepcctic of its own early leadership, an appropriately centralizing force based on up-country family lines and a related sense of cultural unity. Howcer, this could look quite different when one approached the Kandyan ccntcr from its peripheries, including the southern maritime districts. Southern monks and lay patrons had a long history of multiple allegiances: to Kandyan royalty, to some extent, but also to Portuguese and Dutch powers of arious kinds. Moreoer, they had long possessed a sense of regional distinction. This stemmed partly from southern claims to a rich literary heritage predating the intcllcctual and textual work of the early Siyam Nikaya (Heaasam 1966). From southern districts, it was sometimes natural to iew the Kandyan ccntcr with a certain skepticism and sense of competition. Non-Goyigama, low-country higher ordination had been performed in 1771 and 1798 (Roberts 1982,135).

This puts into a somewhat deeper context the tumultuous world of monastic politics characteristic of the 1830s and 1840s in Lanka. Around 1831, the monk Bcntara Atthadassi took a controersial stand on three points of crucial importance to the monastic community and its lay patrons.20 He argued that da na (in this contcxt understood to be a meal offered to monastics by lay patrons) was not satighika (offered to a group of monks repre-sentatie—in a technical sense—of the monastic community) if the monks inited for the meal were initcd personally, as indiiduals, mther than as a collcctic whose members (the number required by the lay patron) were to be identified by the monk in charge (Malalgoda 1976,128-29). This was a matter of some concern, since a saiighika dam was the most mcritori-

o usformo ft hcri t ua 1c xc ha ngei no 1 i ngimea LI twasna t u ra ltowa n t to perform a da m as appropriately sang hi ka, hut one might also want the priilege of initing monks to whom one was particularly close, or whose status was high and would therefore reflect well upon oneself as a lay patron Bentara argued that sclcctic initations were incompatible with the sahghika status of the donation, and his iews had profound social implications. In addition, with rcspcct to two topics eentually grouped together

(at that time) as the Adhikamasa Vadaya (Controersy on the Adhikamasa), Bentara stated that an incorrect calendar was in use for the calculation of uposatha, a fortnightly occasion for the affirmation of monastic discipline and heightened lay Buddhist attendance at temples. He also questioned the calendar used for the obse ranee of the rains retreat (dssd) period.21 The implications of this criticism were still more troubling than those about saiighika dilna. If the full lunar obserances were incorrectly calculated, any monks conducting the uposatha according to the wrong calendar were impure. If they were impure, their monastic status (and thus also their propriety as merit-making conduits for lay patrons) was compromised. Without monastic agreement about the calendar for uposatha and ass a, the unifying rituals binding together Buddhists on the island bccame impossible, leading to competing programs of ritual ohscrance and merit making. Moreoer, monks obscring rituals according to a suspect calendar keked a u thori ty.The iintt rac ticncssasrec i pic nt<oi hemass icmc r i mi a k -ing that marks the end of the rains retreat was therefore diminished, and their patrons' status was sorely threatened. Orally, and in writing, Lankan Buddhist monks bccame preoccupied with the consideration of Bentara's claims. The Adhikamasa Controersy remained unrcsolcd throughout Hikkaduc's lifetime.22 Debate about the conditions for a sahghika dam continued throughout this period as well. But in the period that conccms us here, running through the 1830s to the late 1860s, there must hac been a sense that these matters could, and would, be resoled. In this flurry of actiity, Hikkad.uc played an important and publicly isiblc role. In doing so, he was forced to negotiate the cry delicate terrain of monastic teacher-student relations, lay-monastic patronage, and monastic administration.

By 1850, the Adhikamasa Controersy was at a feer pitch Bentara had not reccicd support from the higher administration of the Siyam Nikaya in Kandy, or from Siamese monks to whom he had turned in correspondence. Clearly, howcer, his ideas were compelling enough to galanizc continued

From Pclmadulla to Sri Pada

When Hikkaduc Su man gala came to Pclmadulla not long after his partici-pation in the famous Buddhist-Christian debate at Baddcgama, he was well seasoned and remarkably well connected. He had, in the roughly twenty-years since his higher ordination, displayed intellectual and organizational skills of alue to the monastic world and to clusters of lay patrons associated with the dramas deeloping within the monastic community. He was a major player in monastic interactions with local and foreign Christians. Without irretricably rupturing ties to his teachcr Valane and relationships oriented around the Rat ma him educational center, Hikkaduc had bccome an important support to the Kandyan base of the Si yam Nik ay a, especially to the monastic administrators of the Malatu Viharaya. This was a man capable of hard work, prepared to dcotc great energy to matters he held dear. These were often matters he thought threatened the security of Buddhist teachings and their institutional supports—the sdsaiia— in Lanka. Subsequent chapters rceal a range of intellectual and social interests to which Hikkaduc deotcd his attention. We will sec both the forms of knowledge on which he drew and the intersecting spheres of belonging and responsibility that motiatcd and continued to dric his efforts. For now, haing gained some sense of the debates and social processes that italized the Lankan Buddhist world of this period, we must simply recognize the naturalness of Hikkadue's initation to Pclmadulla.

Hikkadue's ability to walk this delicate line between up-country and southern interests helps to explain why he was selected to occupy a monastic position of high rank in that region, one which also brought with it considerable influence throughout the island In 1866 Hikkaduc was sclcctcd

to sere as S ~ Pada Nayaka. That is, he was chosen to become the monk with controlling authority for the popular pilgrimage site of Sri Pada (Adam's Peak), near Ratnapura, and for the lands and labor associated with that location. Thus, the Pelmadulla editorial council intersected with another highly publicized chain of cents in Sabaragamua, inoling Hikkad. uc and Iddamalgoda. Let us now examine Hikkadue's appointment as S Pada Nayaka, and the furor it created. In doing so, we will deepen our understanding of the social and economic networks characteristic of Lankan Buddhism in this period, while charting Hikkadue's ascension to a posi-tionthatwastobedeeplyformatiefoihissubscquentactiitiesonthe island, and in relation to foreigners from Europe, America, and Asia. Looking closely at the troubles surrounding Hikkadue's appointment, and the manner in which they were resoled through legal proceedings reaching to the Supreme Court of Ceylon, shows how Hikkad uc and his lay patrons worked strategically at the intersection of their own local interests and go-ernment concerns. In doing so, they drew on a doubled repertoire of ideas ernment concerns. In doing so, they drew on a doubled repertoire of ideas and authorities related to monastic rights and responsibilities, one rooted in both local and colonial conersations and forms of discourse.

On io June i866,'9 a group of monks resident in Sabaragamua and connected to the Kandy Malatu Viharaya met and agreed to remoe the incumbent S ~ Pada Nayaka, Galagame Atthadassi. They also agreed to initc Hikkadue to take up the appointment. The decision of this group was communicated to the assistant goernment agent of Ratnapura since, at that time, it was goernment policy to proide official recognition of appointments made by local electors.40 Goernment recognition of Hikkad. ue's appointment was receied on 8 June 1867, by which time he was editing manuscripts at Pclmadulla (Prajnananda 1947,1:77). A celebratory procession was held in July of the same year, with the participation of Amarapura Nikaya monks (Lakriikiran. a, 26 July 1867). On 28 April 1869, ousted Galagame brought legal suit against Hikkaduc. It came to trial on 29 May 1870 at the

Ratnapura District Court, resulting in a faorable judgment for the plaintiff on 3 June 1870.11 Although the content and tone of Judge Saunders's ruling was generally unfaorable to Galagame (in ways we shall examine shortly), he determined that "plaintiff [Galagame] is the legal Chief Priest of the Adam's Peak establishment, and [decreed] that he be placed and quieted in possession of the emoluments and endowments attaching thereto" [Bi-Monthly Examiner, 25 June 1870).

Saunders's ruling came after a stormy period (oerlapping with the final months of the Pelmadulla editing project) in the district following Gala-game's ouster. As a major English newspaper reported, "The Nayaka contest between Gallagama and Sipkaduwa [Hikkadue] has gicn rise to J.P. [Justice of the Peace] proceedings against the Unnanses [monks] of either party, a riot haing resulted among the partisans of the latter" [Bi- Monthly Examiner, 16 May 1868). "The Pilgrimage season to the Srccpada (Adam's Peak) haing commenced, the Nayaka priest [Hikkad. ue] has applied to the Go-

ernment and got a Police man to protect the offerings [made by pilgrims fearing that the anquished Galagamites will renew their attacks as they did last year. But there is no fear of such a recurrence, as the Galagamites are adised to institute legal proceedings against the Sipkaduwites for recoer-ing possession of the Sreepada. The case will be a hcay one" [Bi- Monthly Examiner, 9 March 1869).

Hikkaduc thus edited Vinaya manuscripts at Pclmadulla, on the ini-tation of Iddamalgoda and his rndala colleagues, amid considerable tension and upheaal. His cough, of which he complained to his teacher, was prob-ablytheLeastDfliisworries.Tomakanatterserymuchworse,Valane died suddenly at the conclusion of the editing work, after returning to Rat-malana on business. Hikkadue reccied the news in mid-February, just after the merit- making ritual held at the Iddamalgoda family estate [alaa] to celebrate the sangiti's conclusion (Hikkaduc to an unnamed teacher, 18 March 1868, in Prajnananda 1947, 1:178). Valane's death sparked unpleasant gossip on the island, which would hae added to the strain on

Hikkadue. As Hikkad ue reported to one of his colleagues:

This month on the sixteenth, as we were finishing eating the meal gien at the home of Honorable [lit. Chief Minister] Iddamalgoda in honor of [the completion of the editorial work], like taking halahala poison after drinking ambrosia, 1 receied the sad news of the death of my teacher Venerable Valane. Grieing on account of that, without tidying up the

manuscripts, etc. here, 1 turned that business oer to the young one,

Mabotuana, and, haing those who accompanied me remain here, 1 left


twenty-eighth after doing one pinkama | for Valane, a death ritual] and

haing discussed the business there related to [the death].

... And we'e learned that a minor has arisen in Galle saying that our Venerable Valane's death was hastened by coming to Sabaragamua for the editorial work. That baseless story has arisen; it's absolutely untrue. (Hikkadue to an unnamed teacher, 18 March 1868, in Prajnananda 1947, i:i78)42

It's teen said priately by Apa Appuhami [whom we meet again in chap. 2], who had examined the horoscope, that it indicated he would die at that time. (178)43

Hikkadue's appointment as chief monk [nayaka) had been made by a group of Sabaragamua monks, acting in concert with Iddamalgod. a and other xadala colleagues (who had earlier shared in the preparations for the council at Pelmadulla).44 The Pelmadulla editing project was thus the second of two ambitious projects led by Iddamalgoda at this time and inoling Hikkaduc. Why was Iddamalgod. a keen to alter the temple leadership at Sri Pada? Control ocr the Sri Pada temple and pilgrimage site brought money, land, and Buddhist authority, as Premakumara de Sila has shown.

This temple was/is the largest recipient of offerings made by pilgrims, among other popular pilgrimage sites in the island45 and it claimed di-

rect control by the monks of the Malatte Chapter (parshaa) of Siyam Nikaya in the proince of Sabaragamua. The Sri Pada temple's annual income was always far ahead in comparison to other main pilgrimage sites in the island such as the Temple of the Tooth Relic in Kandy, the shrine of god Kataragama, and the Bo Tree temple in Anuradhapura. (D. de Sila 2005, 71-72)46

The incumbency of Sri Pada was assumed only second to the posts of As-giriya and Malatte Mahanayakas (Chief Monks) and like the Mahana-yakas of the both [sic] Nikayas [i.e., diisions within the Siyam Nikaya], the chief priest of Sri Pada temple has the equal oting power when appointing the atamastliana adhipati [incumbent monk of an important pilgrimage temple] at Anuradhapura. (72 n. 72)

Moreoer, the lands held by the temple were considerable. Approximately 165 amunu (~ 412.5 acres) of rice paddy land and more than 300 annum (more than 75 o acres) of land for dry cultiation were under the control of the S " Pada Nayaka and his appointed managers. (87)

The alue of this acreage increased from the middle of the 19th century as the plantation economy took hold 011 the island. (84)

Allegiances of caste, class, and region also distanced Iddamalgoda and his wealthy radala associates from monks like Galagame whose antecedents lay with the less elite Goyigama families rooted in the deep southern maritime districts rather than the up-country territories (D. de Sila 2005, 84). Disputes ocr the incumbency of the Sri Pada temple went back to the fi rst generation of Siyam Nikaya monks and were articulated throughout the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries in terms of struggles between monastidineagedbasedinKand)andthcsoutherrilistrict^DjdtSila

India (Bastiampillai 1968, 131-32). Plans for the reised grant-in-aid program, and the establishment of a Department of Public Instruction staffed by school inspectors, were completed during the tenure of Goernor Hercules Robinson (1865-72) and implemented by his successor Goernor William Gregory (132). Religious schools (which came to include Hindu and Buddhist schools, as well as Christian ones) were eligible for grant-in-aid support, proided they met hourly requirements for instruction in secular subjects (134-35). The Lakminipahana letter specif! ed that goernment ap-proal of the proposed school should be sought, so that it would be eligible for goernment support of Sinhala instruction in the cent that local priate patronage was insufficient to meet expenses (Pannasekhara 1965,158). And, as we shall see later in this chapter, the formal establishment of Vidyodaya Pirien a was perfectly timed to exploit the interest in "Oriental literature" that began to deelop during the tenure of Goernor Robinson, reaching a feer pitch during the era of Goernor Gregory (1873-77).